"There is now a secret police force called the M.G.B., reminiscent of the K.G.B. Some rebels call it, only half-jokingly, the N.K.V.D., the notorious Stalin-era secret police force," Andrew E. Kramer writes in The New York Times.
"The unrecognized separatist mini-states in eastern Ukraine, the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics, were rescued from a near-death experience last month, when a Russian military incursion routed the Ukrainian Army as it appeared close to completing a campaign to wipe the rebels out.
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"There is a lot of pompous celebration of the victory over fascism, a love for Soviet abbreviations, symbols and monuments," said Vladimir Solovyov, a journalist with the Russian newspaper Kommersant, who was raised in Transnistria, which is sometimes called a sliver of the Soviet Union.
"They accept the repression because they know nothing else," said Mr. Solovyov, who moved away when he was 16. "People don't want to talk politics because nobody wants to be fired and lose the small salary they receive. We had a lot of elections, but the same person always won."
While there may be a cartoonish hue to the anachronisms here and elsewhere in the former Soviet sphere where unreformed Communist institutions have popped up - in Belarus or Turkmenistan, for example - they mask the darkly serious human rights abuses that critics say are endemic in such systems.
Dmytro O. Potekhin, a Ukrainian political activist, was held for 48 days in a detention center in Donetsk that was set up in an industrial-themed modern art center called Isolation. To clear space for the prison, fighters with the Donetsk People's Republic smashed art in the gallery, including a large outdoor installation of mirrors that they found objectionable.
"It was absolutely terrible," he said in a recent interview. He said he was subjected to mock executions and questioned in a room with children's art hanging on the walls. Rebels kept, by his estimation, hundreds of detainees in the locked gallery spaces, where the screams from nightly beatings echoed through the building.
Through the lean years of market-oriented and pro-democratic overhauls, Boris O. Litvinov, the chairman of the Supreme Soviet and a self-described "committed Communist," made a living with odd jobs unrelated to his university degree in Marxist Leninism. He played bass guitar in a cafe, hawked goods as a salesman and taught at a community college until, improbably, his hour finally arrived.
"Over the past 23 years Ukraine created a negative image of the Soviet Union," Mr. Litvinov, 60, said in an interview. "The Soviet Union was not about famine and repression. The Soviet Union was mines, factories, victory in the Great Patriotic War and in space. It was science and education and confidence in the future."
Still, Mr. Litvinov, who said he consulted often with officials in Moscow, insisted the new republic would not repeat Soviet repression. As part of the so-called New Russia, he said the People's Republic used as its template the laws of contemporary Russia, not the Soviet Union. The republic intends to integrate with Russia and the Eurasian Union, a Russian-backed trade group that includes Belarus and Kazakhstan, he said.
Mr. Litvinov said that extrajudicial imprisonment here was a temporary wartime expedient, and that a court system would be up and running by December. After elections scheduled for Nov. 2, he said, the Supreme Soviet would be renamed the People's Soviet," The New York Times writes.